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MARGARINE: FOOD FOR POOR PEOPLE?
The producers of butter fought a very dirty fight. The butter lobby sought to shut out margarine by forcing governments to tax the rival product till its price was as close as possible to butter's. Several intensively butter-producing countries, such as Canada and New Zealand, simply forbade margarine production. (New Zealand still makes no margarine, although recently, because of margarine's new "health" weapon, sales of it have been permitted. Canada rescinded its law in 1948, even later in some of the provinces.) Other countries insisted that no margarine be sold without an admixture of butter, to protect their dairy farmers.
The fact that poor people bought most margarine was often used insidiously to shame those who were trying not to be perceived as poor. In German towns with more than five thousand inhabitants, buyers had to go into a food shop by a separate entrance in order to get margarine, or into a partitioned-off section of the shop which everyone knew was for those who ate the cheaper stuff. The official reason for this was that butter sellers might be tempted to "adulterate" their produce with margarine if the two substances were allowed shelf contact. Margarine was packaged differently from butter —in cubes rather than bricks - and bore a tell-tale red stripe to distinguish it, in addition to the demeaning word margarine on the box.
From the very beginning, nowhere was margarine allowed to be called by a name remotely resembling the word butter. Fear of the consumers being fooled was the reason, as well as the jealous guarding by dairy interests of butter's semi-sacred status. The United States had 180 applications for butter-substitute patents after margarine first arrived in the 1870s. The names of some of these were "oleoid," "creamine," "butteroid," and "butterine." "Butterine" was the name by which the product was first known in England. Legislation was passed in the United States in 1886 forbidding every echo of "butter," and making "oleomargarine" the generic name-which it remained for sixty-four years. The British changed "butterine" to "margarine" by law in 1887.
Margarine, being factory made, has always been a brand-name product in the west, with fierce competition between the brands for the best, that is the most butter-like, taste. These names like to suggest nostalgia (Blue Bonnet), the regal (Imperial), the childlike and natural (Stork, Flora, Country Crock) - whatever might participate in something of the prestige of butter. Relatively rarely is the modernity of margarine stressed, as in L’Avenir (The Future) in France.
Handcuffed as it is to the concept of butteriness, margarine launched in the twenties a long-lasting series of advertisements in many languages, which showed blindfolded people trying both spreads and pronouncing, "You can't tell the difference," a judgement which no one who heard it at the time would have thought himself sufficiently insensitive to make. Butter, forced into publicity which has insisted more and more neurotically on its own ineffable singularity, has ended up with slogans as lame as "Only butter is butter." In Russia, where state-controlled margarine production has grown to surpass butter production in volume as the country becomes industrialized, there are two kinds available: kitchen, and better-quality table margarine. The latter is marked with a cow on its wrapper, "to indicate the product's uses."
Butter's meanest punches in the battle with the upstart began as early as 1902 in the United States, even before hydrogenation technology became available. Margarine was called a "harmful drug," and stores had to be licensed to sell it. Butter producers primly and cunningly insisted that, since margarine was not butter, it should be prevented by every means from resembling butter. Above all, it should be denied the golden colour which, as butter had good reason to know, proves irresistible to buyers, no matter what the substance actually tastes like. Unless it wanted to bear a heavy tax, margarine had to be sold lard-white. Five of the states went so far as to have all margarine dyed pink, presumably so that no one could take it seriously, let alone eat it as a daily basic food or cook anything in it without turning the stomachs of their family and guests.
Margarine countered first of all by including in packages a tube, bag, or tablet with yellow colouring matter in it. You kneaded the dye into the white fat by hand-often imperfectly, so that the finished product had a streaky look. The job was accepted as something a man could do in the kitchen without endangering his self-esteem - like emptying garbage and sharpening knives. Presumably it did not drag him too inextricably into the "female" activity of actual cooking.
By the 1920s, when hydrogenated vegetable oil had become almost exclusively the raw material of American margarine, yellow oils had become available; if not deprived of all their colour, these could make margarine "naturally yellow," and the tax had been circumvented. But the American dairy industry kept fighting, and in 1931 a tax was slapped on all margarine containing yellow oils; in 1934 it became illegal to use any kind of unbleached oil in margarine. Meanwhile, the role of "purity" in the butter myth was turned against it in 1923, when Congress forbade the addition to butter of any other ingredients, including those en hancing spreadability; margarine, less "pure," rushed to embrace spread-ability, which has remained perhaps its greatest advantage (apart from cost and the cholesterol scare) in consumer preference over butter.
Further good fortune arrived for the margarine industry when the Second World War began: war is always bad for butter. During the war millions of people in Europe were forced to eat margarine rather than butter. They grumbled, but made the substitution. A butterless world was seen to be possible.
In 1950 the discriminatory taxes against margarine were lifted in the United States and the long and greasy word oleomargarine was officially changed to margarine. (Pronunciation of the g had long been softened in popular practice - presumably on an analogy with the way in which a hard g becomes soft in the name Marjorie, a derivative of Margaret. The British shorten the word to marge, with connotations which include familiarity, boredom, and contempt.) Margarine, allowed to "float" freely on the market, swiftly caught up with butter in sales, especially when the "quality" and higher-priced margarines were first introduced in 1956.
The taste of margarine began soon after the war to be improved, by leaps and bounds. Sales grew internationally. Intensive research by Unilever in the 1950s discovered hundreds of the flavour components of butter, and ways were found of synthesizing these and adding them to margarine. Lecithin, which increased plasticity, was added originally as egg yolk; later, cheaper chemicals were substituted for the egg. Margarine can now be provided with spreadability at almost any temperature, to order.
All the manipulations to which margarine is subjected make it very prone to flavour reversion. Soy bean oil, for instance, may quickly develop an interesting, but in margarine undesirable, smell of freshly cut green beans. Autoxidation because of exposure to air and light is common. The precursors of a host of persistent "off-flavours" hid to be pinned down, and anti-oxidant additives devised to block them. This extraordinarily complex process of analysis and correction is known as hydro-refining.
Deprivation of butter, in the populations of the north, has always been known as one of the causes of eye problems, skin diseases, kidney stones, and rickets. The reason is butter's richness in vitamin A, which is in short supply if few fresh vegetables and little sun are available. Vitamins A and D are now added, by law in many countries, to margarine.
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General health

What is the shelf life of the pills?

• The expiry date is mentioned on each blister. It is different for different batches. The shelf life is 2 years from the date of manufacture and would differ from batch to batch depending on when they were manufactured.

THE PROGRAMMING DILEMMA-GENEWARE IS NOT EASY TO WRITE
There are two fundamental challenges to those who would understand the human genome, and both can only be answered through the inventive use of digital technology. First, there is a sea of data, virtually unmarked, whose sheer quantity and complexity make the task of understanding it akin to mapping the stars in a small and remote galaxy with an optical telescope. The computer is ill suited to simulating the complex real-life roles of genes in human organisms, because there are just too many variables in most gene-trait relationships to model. And even if that sort of modeling could be mastered, there is the matter of how all of those genes relate to one another, a problem that involves physics as much if not more than biology. Second, the genome turns out to be less fundamental than was guessed. With only thirty thousand or so genes to explain an incredibly complex array of human structures and activities, the attention of those working on genetics has turned to the differences between people (and peoples) and to the products of the genome and how they are made.
Programming must help cut through a giant swath of data, on the one hand, and explain the relatively small number of genes on the other. As these puzzles are solved the future of genomics will come into view. If the roles of genes in the life of organisms can be modeled, what
Glaxo-SmithKline pharmaceutical company calls "in silico"—that is, if the relationship between genes and other factors can be simulated in a computer program—it would eliminate or greatly reduce the delay in studying genes the old-fashioned way: in vitro. To model a
gene-to-environment interaction in a computer could take seconds, and millions of permutations could be checked (what happens if skin with a particular gene is exposed to .5, .6, .7, or .8 seconds of ultraviolet light?). To study the effects of environments on genes in the lab takes much longer. The goal is to figure out, efficiently, how many different people, with specific
genetic inheritance, will respond to particular drugs and other stimuli.
The medicine cabinet of 2015 will be filled with designer drugs that take out specific kinds of infections with great precision. But it will also likely contain drugs made just for you and a few thousand people who, like you, have a particular gene. Not a headache gene, or a flu gene, but a "this person responds well to this drug" gene. You'll update your medicine cabinet the way you update your computer software: responding to new techniques, rubbing out bugs in the operating system, and finding new applications that can make life easier. And the very idea of medicine will have been expanded too, of course, so that instead of bottles of pills, most people with chronic illness will eat foods that have been engineered to do more in terms of fighting and preventing disease—and to do it better than pills. Bottled water, air-conditioning filters, laundry detergent, and carpet all can be designed to prevent adverse reactions triggered by specific genes, or to prevent mutations that were caused by the primitive household and industrial chemical products of the twentieth century. This isn't gazing into a distant future; it is practically here.
At the heart of the animal is, well, the heart. There is no simple substance, no magic cell that determines who or what we are. But the low-resolution map of the human genome, and the work of those who put it together, is evidence of the degree to which human ingenuity has turned aches, disease, and human potential into a field of inquiry, with a few set rules and a mammoth range of possibilities for improvement. The dreams of those who imagined that human race or criminality would turn out to be an inheritable proposition, one that can simply be purged through eliminating a gene, will probably not pan out any more than the brutal dreams of those Nazis who longed to purify the human species. But what will happen is that a highly complex language of amino acids, proteins, and rules of interaction between the body and the environment will open up a range of new choices about what kind of world we want to live in.
More important, that world will take a shape largely dictated by the metaphors of the personal computer: you will pick your operating system, and update your software, and watch the kinds of input you provide, all in terms that can be understood by scientists, in terms of a gigantic new kind of software that replaces what was once a mysterious or spiritual concept of the body. What does it mean to operate your body like a PC? What does it mean to think of your life as guided by fate or God or profound choices, if it can be determined that much of your personality and body and habits are essentially a software program over which you have either less or more control than you might want?
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General health